An Analysis of Malaysia's
1999 Tenth General Elections
It is now almost two years since
Anwar Ibrahim was sacked from UMNO in September 1998 and subsequently
put in jail on trumped-up criminal charges. Various moves have
been made to try to get a fair trial for DSAI, but from the way
the trial is going it seems like this is something impossible
Currently, an appeal against
the courts decision on the first trial is ongoing but the
legal counsels do not expect any success here. They are of the
opinion that the outcome of the appeal is a foregone conclusion
which is the appeal will be turned down.
According to our sources in the
police force, the first two trials are only the beginning in
a series of 10 cases they have against DSAI. Whether they
will stop at these first two or choose to continue is yet to
be decided. However, if need be, they have enough "ammunition"
to keep Anwar Ibrahim "locked up in court" until
the end of his political career. In other words, even if the
appeal on the first sentence succeeds, there are still many more
battles to come.
Is There Hope For A Change
Through The Ballot Box?
Last year the opposition parties,
under the banner of the Barisan Alternatif (BA), contested in
the Tenth General Elections. All the four coalition partners
unanimously agreed that, in the event the BA succeeds in the
General Elections, Anwar Ibrahim would be appointed the
Prime Minister of Malaysia.
Of course this appointment would
not be automatic. First of all, Anwar Ibrahim be given
a fresh trial. If the court finds Anwar Ibrahim innocent, only
then would he be released from jail and appointed as the Prime
Minister of Malaysia.
From the outcome of the Tenth
General Elections it can be seen that if we are going to expect
change through the ballot box it is going to be a long wait
maybe forever. And why is this?
Let us analyse how General Elections
are conducted in Malaysia to get a better perspective of the
reality of Malaysian elections and why we cannot hope
for change through the ballot box.
An Analysis Of The Previous
Malaysias first Parliamentary
General Election was held 40 years before this, in 1959. According
to the government-of-the-day, they have always had the majority
of the peoples support except for a brief period in 1969.
Let us analyse the results of
all those past elections to give us a better understanding
of the recently concluded Tenth General Elections and why it
turned out the way it did.
First of all, lets look
at the voter turnout. Voter turnout has never been good and it
has always been to the ruling partys benefit if lesser
people came out to vote. In fact, the higher the voter turnout
the higher the opposition gains. That is why the opposition parties
always make more effort to get as many voters as possible to
come out and vote. The ruling government would be quite happy
if the voters all stayed home. Sometimes they would even do certain
things to make it more difficult for the voters to come out and
In the First Parliamentary
General Election in 1959, the voter turnout was only 73.3%
or 1.55 million voters. 600,000 people decided to just stay home.
Surprisingly the Alliance Party managed only 51.8% of the votes.
You would imagine they would have performed better than that,
considering they took the country through Independence barely
two years before.
It must be noted that the Alliance
Party comprised of UMNO, MCA and MIC. Therefore UMNO, on their
own, did not even get 50% of the votes - which means many Malays
DID NOT support UMNO. So much for Malay supremacy touted
by UMNO! In terms of seats though, they won 74 out of 104 or
around 71%. So they managed to form the government.
Five years on, in the 1964
General Election, the voter turnout increased slightly to
78.9%. In this election the ruling party garnered 58.5% of the
votes. The increased votes can easily be attributed to the increase
in registered voters. The number of registered voters had increased
by 28% but the ruling party saw an increase of 50% in their votes.
500,000 more voters came out to vote for this election and 400,000
of these votes went to the Alliance an impressive performance
indeed. Their number of seats won increased to 86% - which, more
or less, gave them a landslide victory.
In 1969 the voter turnout dropped back to 73.6%. In this
historic election (historic only because of the racial riots
that followed it) the ruling party managed a paltry 44.9% of
the votes. Out of the 144 seats contested, the Alliance party
managed only 74 giving them slightly better than half and FAR
SHORT of the two-thirds they needed to form an effective
Thats when all hell broke
loose organized chaos if you wish - infamously known as
the May 13 incident.
The ruling party probably performed
their best ever during the 1974 General Election. They
managed to obtain 60.7% of the votes. But this is only because
the old Alliance party no longer existed and the new multi-party
coalition called Barisan Nasional comprised of all those opposition
parties that, in the election before this, had denied the ruling
party its two-thirds majority in Parliament.
In terms of seats it was almost
a clean sweep for Barisan Nasional as the opposition managed
only 19 out of the 144 seats contested. Something must be wrong
with the system when the opposition won only 13% of the seats
though 40% of the rakyat voted for them. In this election
the voter turnout was only 75.1%. Again, 600,000 people did not
The 1978 General Election
was not any better and was almost a repeat of 1974. Only 75.3%
of the voters came out to vote. The ruling government won 57.2%
of the votes, but this time their number of seats won dropped
to 130. The opposition managed to win 24 seats on the new enlarged
total of 154 seats a slightly better performance for the
The 1982 General Election
was, again, a duplicate of the election before that - 74.39%
voter turnout, 60.54% votes to the ruling party giving them 132
seats, and 22 seats to the opposition almost status quo.
From there PAS seemed to be going
downhill. The following General Election in 1986 was a
disaster for PAS when they won only one seat and lost Kelantan
to UMNO. Ironically, DAP saw its best ever by wining 24 seats.
Barisan Nasional, who got 57.28% of the votes, won 148 seats
or 84% out of the total of 177 seats. This was the turning
point for both PAS and DAP PAS its lowest point and
DAP its highest.
One interesting point to note
is that the voter turnout was the worst in the history of our
General Elections as only 69.97% of the voters came out to vote.
It was said the low voter turnout was one factor working against
the opposition. More then 2 million people stayed home in that
1990 was the most interesting year. In the General
Election held that year, the ruling party managed only 53.38%
of the votes. Voter turnout was only slightly better at 72.7%.
A "record" 2.2 million people stayed home and did not
bother to come out and vote. Considering the ruling party managed
only around 3 million votes and the opposition obtained 2.6 million
votes, the 2.2 million voters who stayed home was quite significant.
If 8% more people had come out to vote, and if they had voted
for the opposition, the results would have been quite different.
Of course, if they had voted for the ruling party instead, then
it would not have mattered much.
Anyway, the DAP lost four seats
and managed to retain only 20, PAS & Semangat 46 shared 15
seats between them, PBS in Sabah got 14 seats, while four independent
candidates got in. Out of 180 seats contested, the ruling party
still managed 127 seats or 70% - on slightly more than (only)
HALF the votes they obtained. Again, this showed that,
in Malaysian elections, it is SEATS AND NOT VOTES THAT MATTER.
During the 1995 Parliamentary
General Election, PAS and Semangat 46 got one seat less each
and, combined, they managed only 13 seats. DAP did quite badly
at nine seats while PBS got only eight seats. There were nine
million registered voters that year but, just like in 1990, more
than two million people stayed home. The ruling party obtained
65.2% of the votes and won 162 out of the 192 seats contested
giving them 85%.
They say 1990 was the high
point for the opposition parties and their success can never
be repeated. How then did the opposition parties fare in the
1999 General elections?
The 1999 Tenth General
In Peninsular Malaysia, the Barisan
Nasional (BN) won 102 out of 144 seats they contested. This gave
the BN 70.8% of the seats, 4.2% more than what they needed to
retain their two-thirds majority in Parliament. With the 46 seats
they won in East Malaysia, the BN sailed in comfortably with
148 seats, 20 more seats than what is required to maintain this
two-thirds majority and 52 more seats than what they need to
form the government with a simple majority.
This could be viewed by many
as quite an achievement for the BN who have never lost control
of Parliament over the 43 years since Independence. Why then
is the BN not in a jubilant or celebrative mood?
This is because they know that,
though they came in with more than the two-thirds of the seats,
they failed to win two-thirds of the votes. Out of a total
of about 5.8 million voters in Peninsular Malaysia, BN managed
to convince only 3.1 million voters to vote for them. This comes
to less than 54% of the total voters who cast their votes
far short of the two-thirds they need to legitimately claim
that the people support the BN.
Low Voter Turnout
What is most interesting to note
though, only 73% of the voters came out to vote. Perak was the
lowest at 66% followed by the Federal Capital at 70%. Why this
Thousands of complaints were
received that voters who had voted in that same area for the
last few elections suddenly found their names missing from
the list. Others complained that someone else had voted in
their place when they went to vote they found that their
names had been "cut off" from the register (which
means they had already voted). Then there were cases where
voters names had been transferred to another state so they
could not vote as there was no way they could make it across
the country in time to vote.
It was estimated that around
80% to 82% of the registered voters would have come out to vote
this time around - if they could have. This would have
made it one of the highest ever in Malaysian election history.
Many did come out but were sent home disappointed.
If these 7% to 9% had not been
denied their right to vote, and if the 680,000 voters who had
registered earlier but could not vote, were included in the voters
list, an additional one million people would have voted in
the 1999 General Election.
The Effect Of The Disenfranchised
According to the Elections Commission,
95% of these 680,000 disenfranchised voters are below the age
of 30. The Alternative Front or Barisan Alternatif (BA) claims
that more than 70% of these people barred from voting
are their supporters. If this were true, then the BN would
have obtained 3.4 million votes while the BA 3.2 million. This
would have changed the results drastically, probably even giving
the BA an additional 30 to 40 Parliamentary seats. Looking
at the wafer-thin wins the BN candidates obtained this assumption
is more than possible.
BA officially won 42 of the Parliament
seats contested. The BA claims the number would have been between
70 to 80, if the elections had been free and fair. All
they needed was 65 seats to deny the BN their two-thirds majority
Opposition Shifted Into
For the first time in the history
of this nation the opposition has shifted from the hands of the
Chinese into the hands of the Malays. In the past, whenever one
speaks of the opposition, one always means the Chinese. This
is not surprising seeing that the bastion of the opposition has
always been the urban areas or towns which is where the
majority of the non-Malays live. UMNO has always reigned supreme
in the rural areas which prompted one ex-Deputy Prime Minister
to say that, if UMNO wishes to retain its rule, it has to go
back to the kampongs, the place where UMNO has its power base
and where all the Malays live.
Today, it was the kampong people
who rejected UMNO whereas the urbanites voted for the government
It is estimated that 70% of the
Malays voted opposition this time around. UMNO makes no bones
about this when Mahathir classified the Malays as an emotional
lot and praised the Chinese as being more pragmatic meaning
they would vote for the government (Mahathirs idea of "being
pragmatic"). You could see Mahathir openly wooing the Chinese
with his China visit and the return visit of the Chinese leader
in the run-up to the elections.
Did The Chinese Support
Did the Chinese really support
the government and did they vote for Barisan Nasional out of
love for the party? Many Chinese I spoke to say, "No!"
Maybe some of them did vote BN, but they did so out of fear that
the government would instigate racial riots if they lose their
two-thirds majority just like they did 30 years before that in
The Chinese have a valid reason
for believing so. In the two weeks of campaigning, Mahathir constantly
reminded the Chinese of this "threat" that it left
many older Chinese, who still remember the ravishes of May 13,
extremely paranoid. Newspaper advertisements were full of these
warnings and no speech was complete without a mention from Mahathir
of the "threat of riots". The Chinese must have had
sleepless nights and most would have been glad if there were
no elections at all.
What Was "May 13"
All About And Why Did It Frighten The Chinese So Much?
Contrary to what the (local)
history books try to tell us, May 13 was NOT about Malay-Chinese
rivalry. It may have eventually ended that way, but that definitely
was not how it started out. May 13 was, basically, a Malay-Malay
political struggle with May 13 used as a camouflage and
the Chinese know this (and the Chinese knew that 1999 can be
a repeat of 1969 as the scenario was so similar).
To better understand May 13,
we need to go back to the pre-Merdeka days to see how independence
was achieved and how the first leaders of independent Malaya
were groomed to take over running the country.
The British "Groomed"
The Pre-Merdeka Malay Leaders
The British knew that at a certain
point in time they would have to grant independence to Malaya.
India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and many countries around
this region had already gained independence from their colonial
In 1946, the independence movement
in Malaya had also started, giving birth to the first Malay political
party, UMNO. It was a matter of time before the British would
have to give-in to the demands of the Malays.
The British thought that the
best way to grant independence to Malaya, yet still have some
control over their old colony, would be to groom the leaders
who would take over and educate them the British way so that
they would soon become more English than the Englishman.
In the late 1940s, the British
doors were thrown open to the Malays and the first batch of Malays
was brought over to England to receive an English education.
These were mostly the sons of the elite and royalty - Tengku
Abdul Rahman, Tun Razak, and many more future leaders of Malaya.
Tengku Rahman was definitely
given special treatment by the British to the extent he was the
only student in history ever allowed to own a car at Cambridge
- everyone else rode bicycles. Tengku drove a MG sports car and
spent his years enjoying the lifestyle of the "rich and
Eventually these young graduates
of an English education were brought back to Malaya and given
government posts as part of their training to one day take over
the reins of power. Without saying, these English educated Malays
enjoyed all the trappings of England including cricket, rugby,
tea-at-four, brandy-after-dinner, and so on, not to mention a
day at the races.
Merdeka was soon won and, in
1957, the local Malays took over running the country. But it
was merely a changing of the skin colour - the management style
remained the same. It was Merdeka without losing the English
influence. In fact, as mentioned earlier, the Malays of that
era acted more English than even the Englishmen themselves.
Turmoil In UMNO
Twelve years on and the "young
Turks" in UMNO were getting restless and wanted a change
of leadership. These young Turks, such as Hussein Onn and Mahathir
Mohammad, had no sentimental attachments to the British, as they
were educated in India and Singapore respectively. They were
also angry that the Tengku preferred to surround himself with
foreigners and Chinese businessman rather than Malays. Mahathir
made this point very clear in his letter to Tengku, which goes
To The Tengku
"You have become so powerful,
both by virtue of your office and by popular acclaim, that UMNO
has become subservient to you. UMNO is being held together, not
because the members share your ideas on politics, but through
a system of patronage and disguised coercion based on Government
rather than party authority.
A feeling of power normally
grips those who wield patronage, a feeling that they can mould
and shape people and opinions any way they please. The leaders
of UMNO, the senior partners of the Alliance Government, have
succumbed to this disease and, believing that they no longer
need to heed the opinions of their supporters, they disregard
them at every turn.
Laws have been hurriedly passed
without prior consultation with the representatives who have
had to "sell" these laws to the people. Tax innovations
have been made and discarded with complete disregard for the
disrupting effect on the public. In the main, Parliamentary sittings
are regarded as a pleasant formality which afford members an
opportunity to be heard and quoted, but which have absolutely
no effect on the course of the Government. The sittings are a
concession to a superfluous democratic practice. Off and on,
this strength is used to change the constitution. The manner,
the frequency, and the trivial reasons for altering the constitution
have reduced this supreme law of the nation to a useless scrap
Your Ministers and the Cabinet
are vested with this decision-making authority. It is obvious
that only the most capable and experienced should be made Ministers
and be in the Cabinet. But independent Malaysia has chosen to
treat membership of the Cabinet as a reward for loyalty to party
chiefs and acceptability to the Prime Minister. Once appointed,
no amount of dereliction of duty could affect the position of
a Minister. On the other hand, even if the Minister performs
well, failure to remain on good terms with the Prime Minister
means removal from the Ministry.
Your Government of mediocre
people is bereft of ideas, is unable to understand the limits
of their authority, and is generally unable to rule. All the
while, however, your Government is busy on devices to perpetuate
itself. These devices are so transparent and so lacking in subtlety
that they achieve just the opposite effect.
May I remind you, Merdeka
has brought power and wealth to the new Malay elite. Politics
is found to be the panacea. It provides a shortcut to everything.
It makes possible the attainment of positions of immense power.
These Malays are in a position to acquire riches.
At first, this might seem
grossly unfair. These few Malays - for they are still only a
very few - have waxed riches not because of themselves, but because
of the policy of a Government supported by a huge majority of
poor Malays. It would seem that the efforts of the poor Malays
have gone to enrich a select few of their own people. The poor
Malays themselves have not gained one iota. With the existence
of the few rich Malays, at least the poor Malays can say that
their fate is not entirely to serve the rich non-Malays. From
their point of view of racial ego, and this ego is still strong,
the unseemly existence of Malay tycoons is essential.
The various races in Malaysia
are differentiated not merely by ethnic origin, but also by many
other characteristics. These characteristics are important. How
these characteristics develop is another matter, but when races
compete in a given field, these characteristics play an extremely
important role. The Jews, for example are not merely hook-nosed,
but understand money instinctively.
The possession of these characteristics
means little until different races come into contact with each
other. Jewish stinginess and financial wizardry gained them the
commercial control of Europe and provoked an anti-Semitism, which
waxed and waned throughout Europe through the ages.
The first thing that comes
to mind is that the vast majority of Malays are feudalistic and
wish to remain so. A revolution, which starts off by preaching
the destruction of the established monarchical order, will therefore
fail. It will not win the support of the majority of orthodox
Malays. In any case, the monarch has done no real harm to the
Malays or to anyone else. The maintenance of the system is no
doubt costly, but being separated from power, the ruler cannot
constitute a tyranny. Besides, a Malaysia without rulers would
mean the complete eclipse of the Malays. It is the rulers who
have in the past furnished and continued to present the Malay
character of Malaysia. Remove them, and the last vestige of traditional
Malaysia would disappear. It is essential therefore that the
To take on an adversary when
it seems to be beyond ones capacity is courageous. To calculate
and assess ones chances first is to exhibit cowardice.
Time and again this inability or unwillingness to measure the
odds against them has led to defeat and disaster for the Malays.
The courageous or brave Malay is usually foolhardy, and because
he is likely to do things without thinking of the consequences,
the average Malay treats him with fear and respect. The ordinary
man knows that it is not worthwhile to incur his displeasure
and that it is safer to let him have his own way. The ordinary
man therefore represents the other extreme when principle is
easily set aside for the sake of safety.
Even feudalism can be beneficial
if it facilitates changes. The political Rajas of today can,
therefore, institute change if they themselves are willing to
change. Such a change would spread rapidly. If the indications
are that there should be a change in the value system and ethical
code, then the leaders can lead the way with the certainty that
they will be followed by the masses. In a feudal society, if
the leaders fail, then there is little hope for the masses."
The Young Turks Make Their
The move to push Tengku Rahman
aside had started. They needed something to trigger off some
form of resentment to the government. They needed the Malays
to rise, and what better platform than a racial platform?
Prior to that, 11 Chinese were
sentenced to death for killing a Malay prison warden in Pudu
Jail. The Chinese wanted the death sentence commuted and they
held demonstrations in the Chinese dominated areas around Kuala
Lumpur. The government had no choice but to back down, which
angered the Malays.
Later the Chinese demonstrated
in front of the USIS and one demonstrator was shot dead. The
Chinese wanted a funeral procession but the police would not
allow it as they knew it would attract a huge crowd and the funeral
would be turned into a demonstration. Tun Razak, however, told
the police to grant them permission and ordered the police off
the streets. The resulting "giant" parade built up
May 13 Explodes
The May 1969 General Elections
were held soon after and the Alliance Party won only 40% of the
votes resulting in them losing their two-thirds majority in Parliament.
The opposition party held "victory parades" which turned
into a mud-slinging and name-calling session. The Malays were
now really angry and decided to hold their own victory parade.
Dato Harun was given the task of managing this "event".
On May 13 the entire cabinet
withdrew to Frazers Hill while the Malays prepared for trouble.
People in the top echelons were tipped off to get out of town
or go home early and by 3.00pm the city was quite deserted of
the elite except for the unknowing rakyat.
Racial riots exploded. Parliament
was dissolved, saving the Alliance government, and power was
transferred to Tun Razak under the NOC. Tengku was now powerless.
The Tengku Loses His Grip
Mahathir increased his attacks
on the Tengku. He also called for MCAs expulsion from the
Alliance to "punish" the Chinese. Instead, Mahathir
was expelled from the party as these two newspaper reports show.
1. (Utusan Melayu and Utusan
Malaysia of 6 June 1969)
KUALA LUMPUR 5 June Some
leading members of UMNOs Supreme Council have voiced their
support for the decision by MCA leadership to exclude themselves
from the Cabinet. Among them are Tan Sri Syed Jaafar Albar, Dr.
Mahathir bin Mohamad and Syed Nasir bin Ismail.
In a meeting with Utusan Malaysia,
Tan Sri Syed Jaafar emphasised his disapproval of efforts made
to ask MCA to re-enter the Cabinet.
"I do not agree with the
way some Chinese chambers of commerce have stated their confidence
and support of Tun Tan Siew Sin and their asking him to reconsider
MCAs decision to withdraw from the Cabinet," he said.
According to him, the problem
now was not the question of confidence towards Tun Tan Siew Sin
as the MCA leader, but whether the Chinese supported the present
policies of the Alliance.
"This is the matter that
should be considered by these people who are making a big fuss
about giving their support to Tun Tan Siew Sin today," he
Tan Sri Jaafar Albar also stated
that the support given to Tun Tan Siew Sin by the Chinese Chambers
of Commerce was not sufficient because support had to come from
the majority of the Chinese population.
He stated that discussions about
MCAs inclusion in the Cabinet should not be confined to
the newspapers or to MCA alone because UMNO, as the backbone
of the Alliance party, had not decided yet if MCA and MIC should
be included in the Cabinet or if the Alliance should remain as
it was then.
He said: "It is not only
the duty of MCA to discuss this matter as if it is its own peculiar
problem, but it should be the responsibility of all the Alliance
leaders from the UMNO, MCA, and MIC."
However, he did not want to give
his final views before the party met to discuss the matter.
Mahathir, who supported Tan Sri
Syed Jaafars statement, stressed that MCA leaders had to
adhere to their earlier decision of not wanting to be included
in the Cabinet.
He said that he agreed with the
view of MCA leaders that they could not actually represent the
people they claimed to represent.
According to Mahathir, the support
given to Tun Tan Siew Sin by the Chinese chambers of commerce
and other Chinese organisations could not be taken as support
from the Chinese community as a whole to MCA because those organisations
did not represent the desires of the Chinese community as a whole.
"If MCA wants to know whether
they have the support of the Chinese, they have to wait for the
next general election. Since this will take quite some time,
it is no longer necessary for MCA to remain in the Cabinet,"
Mahathir also said that MICs
position in the Cabinet should also be reconsidered.
Syed Nasir stressed that on the
whole, the relationship between UMNO, MCA and MIC had to be reviewed
to take in the changes which had taken place after the general
"The people have expressed
their needs and desires, and there is little point in pretending
that the policies of the Alliance party are the best acceptable
to them," he said.
2. Press Statement Released
by UMNO's Secretary General, Senu Abdul Rahman
"Mahathir Mohamad ceases
to be a member of the UMNO Supreme Council with effect from today,
12 July 1969.
This decision was taken following
the wide distribution to the public of Mahathir's letter to Tunku
Abdul Rahman, President of UMNO Malaysia.
Letters containing important
matters should first be discussed by UMNO's Supreme Council,
especially in view of the present situation in the country.
The action taken by Mahathir
is seen to be in breach of the party's etiquette and is capable
of damaging party solidarity and the government which the party
Mahathir Letter To The
Tengku Dated 17th June 1969
"Your opinions were based
on stories you heard from people who surround you, and who tell
you only what they think you like to hear or should hear. Permit
me to tell you what the position, the thoughts and the opinions
of the people are really, so that you can understand my motive
for making that press statement.
You yourself told me that
you have prevented a riot by commuting the death sentence of
the 11 subversive Chinese. In truth this very action sparked
the riots of 13 May, which resulted in the deaths of many, many
Your give and take
policy gives the Chinese everything they ask for. The climax
was the commuting of the death sentence, which made the majority
of the Malays angry. The Chinese on the other hand regarded you
and the Alliance government as cowards and weaklings who could
be pushed around.
That was why the Chinese and
the Indians behaved outrageously toward the Malays on 12th May.
If you had been spit in the face, called dirty names and shown
obscene gestures and private parts, then you could understand
how the Malays felt. The Malays whom you thought would never
rebel went berserk, and they hate you for giving too much face.
The responsibility of the deaths of these people, Muslim or Infidels,
rests on the shoulders of the leader who holds views based on
I regret writing this letter,
but I have to convey to you the feelings of the Malays. In truth
the Malays whether they are UMNO or PMIP supporters really hate
you, especially those who had lost homes, children and relatives,
because of your give and take policy.
They said you wanted to be
known only as The Happy Prime Minister even though
others are suffering. They said that although the country was
in a state of emergency you were engrossed playing poker with
your Chinese friends. Even the policemen said that you were using
official cars and police escorts to contact your poker gang.
Lately, another disturbing
factor came to light. The Malays in the Civil Service, from Permanent
Secretary downwards, Army Officers and the Malays in the Police
Force have lost faith and respect for you. I know that the majority
of them voted for the PMIP through mail ballots....
I wish to convey what the
people really think, that is that it is high time you resign
as our Prime Minister and UMNO leader.
I am fully aware of the powers
you still hold and I remember too well the fate of AZIZ ISHAK.
But I would be irresponsible if I do not explain what I have
said earlier. Even if I am jailed, I have to say what I have
Once more I wish to repeat
that the statement I made [on the continued exclusion of the
MCA from the Cabinet] is to prevent the Malays from hating the
Government more and to stop the Chinese from abusing the dignity
of the Malays. A bigger riot will occur if this is allowed. The
military itself will be beyond control.
I pray to God it will open
your heart to accept the truth bitter though it may be."
The Tengku Steps Aside
Soon after Tengku stepped aside
and Tun Razak took over as Prime Minister. The opposition parties
were invited to join the government and the Alliance gave way
to the Barisan Nasional giving the government back their two-thirds
majority in Parliament. Later PAS left the BN to stay on as an
The Chinese Fear
ANOTHER "May 13"
The Chinese remember very well
this bloody incident of 31 years ago and their main fear is that
history would repeat itself if the government loses its two-thirds
majority in Parliament and that retaliation in the form of
racial riots would follow. Thats why the Chinese did not
dare vote for the opposition in the Tenth General Election in
1999. And that is how the BN will continue to perpetuate its
rule, even if support from the Malay voters has declined. And
that is why we cannot hope for change through the ballot box.
And we have not even touched
on the rampant cheating done by the BN in ensuring they win the
elections "by hook or by crook", which makes it practically
impossible for the opposition to make any headway in Malaysian
The Bottom Line Is...........
Without further going into lengthy
details, THE BOTTOM LINE IS........... Malaysian elections
are not free and fair. The odds are stacked against the
opposition. The government has massive propaganda machinery
at its disposal, which includes the mainstream media, the government
departments, and the Information Department. On top of that the
government only needs to win 50% of the votes to retain its two-thirds
majority in Parliament. For the government to just retain a simple
majority (even without a two-thirds majority) requires a mere
40% of the votes. Ten General Elections over 41 years has proven
this as the analysis above has shown.
This mean the BN can practically
rule forever and Anwar Ibrahim will therefore be in jail forever
- unless the International community joins the FreeAnwar Campaign in lobbying for his
release from jail.