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Aug 12-13, 2000
Anwar and Antonio
Yin Shao Loong
Anwar Ibrahim, former deputy
prime minister of Malaysia, now faces up to 15 years in prison
on account of being found guilty of the charges against him in
the High Court. Famous for founding the Malaysian reformasi movement,
and noted for his writing ("Asian Renaissance"), will
those long years see Anwar's intellect turn to grappling with
the long road to reform in Malaysia?
Several great writers and influential
thinkers have produced lasting legacies whilst incarcerated.
Pramoedya Ananta Toer established himself as one of Indonesia's
foremost writers with the Buru Quartet, an epic charting the
complexities and tumult of colonial to post-colonial Indonesia.
It was furthermore recited orally during his years in Buru island
prison.
Perhaps less well known to Malaysians
is Antonio Gramsci ,an Italian activist and thinker who, whilst
incarcerated by Benito Mussolini's Fascist dictatorship, formulated
a concept of hegemony that was to make him famous to many engaged
in political reform.
His writings have been translated
into diverse languages: Arabic, German, French, English, Finnish,
Spanish, Japanese and Chinese to name a few.
Although they differ markedly
in political outlook, Gramsci was a communist and Anwar a still-to-be-defined
reformist/ex-Umno, their different paths were more a sign of
their times. Born to inequality and increasing fascism across
Europe, Gramsci co-founded the Italian Communist party in 1921
and was elected two years later to the Italian parliament in
Fascist-ruled Italy.
To capture a revolutionary
In the space of 10 years Gramsci
engaged in intense revolutionary activity, participating in working
class power bids, two years of civil war with fascists, two years
with the Moscow-based Communist International and another two
engaged in legal and illegal organising against the Italian Fascist
dictatorship.
Despite supposed immunity as
a member of parliament, Gramsci was forcibly incarcerated by
the Fascist government in 1926. Two years later he was sentenced
to 20 years in jail by the Special Tribunal for the Defence of
the State, chaired by a Fascist general, and a jury of five Fascist
colonels. Mussolini considered Gramsci far too dangerous to be
allowed his freedom, during the trial he was quoted as saying,
"We have to prevent that this mind continue thinking."
Gramsci warned his judges: "You
will lead Italy to ruin and it will be up to us communists to
save her." (This resonates with some Anwar's pleadings.)
Faced with such a long sentence
Gramsci was gripped by the need to create a legacy. Although
denied access to communist literature, like Pramoedya his phenomenal
memory nonetheless allowed him to recall text extracts almost
word for word.
He began work on his renowned
Prison Notebooks (Quaderni di carceri) which attempted to synthesise
his political experiences with scholarship on history, philosophy,
literature, culture, fascism, Marxism, educational theory, religion,
Machiavelli and intellectuals.
Based upon these insights Gramsci
constructed his theory of hegemony.
The struggle for leadership
Earlier Marxist traditions had
taught that power flows from control of the economy and the state.
This allowed the ruling class to dominate the subordinate class.
It was based upon this simple oppositional structure that Marx
had proposed his theory that revolution would inevitably result
from the need of the subordinate classes to produce their own
industrial and political organisation.
Gramsci, and many others besides,
struggled to understand why the subordinate, working, classes
had not engaged in revolution in the 1920s and 30s and had instead
yielded to the rule of fascism.
His answer was that the ideas,
values and leadership of the ruling class were not accepted by
mere mental and physical domination, but through a struggle for
hegemony - political leadership through moral, cultural, and
intellectual primacy - won by negotiation with opposing interests
to arrive at a consensus.
Gramsci's theory was optimistic
in that it identified that domination was not absolute. There
had to be some change in the political orientation of the dominant
group in order to convince those it aimed to lead to accept its
leadership. Therefore, the dominating ideology is only encountered
in compromised forms.
The location where the ruling
class must fight for hegemony is popular culture.
Malaysian hegemony
Fast forward to present-day Malaysia
where we witnessed on Aug 8 that peaceful public gatherings are
possible and are tolerated by authorities, although within limits,
but this is nevertheless still an improvement, and ground won,
from two years ago.
Religious leadership is a site
of contest between various elements in Umno and PAS. It could
be ventured that the MCA is contesting for cultural leadership
(aiming to maintain its hegemony with Chinese voters) with the
high moral tone of its Ecstasy campaign.
The debate over Vision schools
leading to a Bangsa Malaysia is an interesting case where an
ethnically delineated leadership is promoting racial integration.
Is this a concession in light of past accusations of promoting
ethnic division?
Gramsci also outlined how the
subordinate class could form its own contesting hegemony by linking
with the interests of other groups and social forces and finding
ways to integrate them into its own. But this could not be taken
for granted, any hegemony must be readjusted and renegotiated
constantly.
Prospects
Anwar Ibrahim has certainly not
been silent whilst under custody, but the writings slipped out
so far have been but brief indictments of his incarcerators (see
the current Newsweek special issue on Asia). Meanwhile, the reformasi
movement is showing signs of moving beyond him, which is a positive
development although justice must still be achieved for its founder.
Anwar has a not inconsiderable
intellect and a unique experience of the corridors of Malaysian
power that would prove invaluable if channeled into wrestling
with the renegotiation of hegemony within Malaysia.
Gramsci welcomed the participation
of intellectuals in formulating a counter-hegemony, although
with the proviso that they be rooted in the struggles of the
subordinated class. Perhaps we shall see Anwar fulfill this role,
certainly there will be others.
They and the reformasi movement
will have many other interests to integrate and negotiate with
before they can see their dreams realised, but that is the only
way with the complexity and diversity that is Malaysian society.
Antonio Gramsci died age 46 in
prison. His 33-volume Prison Notebooks were smuggled out by his
sister-in-law and later released for publication.
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YIN SHAO LOONG is presently
attempting to integrate cultural studies with sustainable development.
He writes for malaysiakini in his spare time.
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