FAC News - Friday, September 20, 2002 8:59 AM

LETTER TO FOREIGN MISSIONS, FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS, INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS, BAR COUNCILS, AND HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS

Dear Sir/Madam,

We would like to provide you with our views on recent developments in Malaysia concerning our fight to repeal the Internal Security Act (ISA) and provide for greater freedom and justice in our country.

The ISA was enacted in 1960 to combat the Communist insurgency in Malaysia and deal with the Communist terrorists who were killing government officials and plantation workers and bombing police stations. When the Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister at that time, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, tabled this legislation in Parliament, he assured the nation that the ISA would only be used against the Communist terrorists in order to combat and defeat the insurgency -- and for no other purpose.

Even though Malaysia’s war against the Communist insurgency ended long ago, the ISA remains on the books as an instrument of state power. But today the Government does not use the ISA to combat the Communist insurgency – a war that ended years ago – it uses the ISA to stifle legitimate, peaceful dissent against the political party in power.

In April 2001, ten National Justice Party (Keadilan) leaders and political activists linked to the Reformasi Movement in Malaysia were arrested and detained under the ISA, based solely on the Government’s incredible claim that they were involved in a plot to topple the government through violent, militant means. The ten were accused of conspiring to bring in guns, bombs, and grenade launchers to accomplish their purpose.

These allegations were just that – allegations. The Government offered no evidence whatsoever to back up its claims, as arrest and detention under the ISA requires no evidence. A mere “reason to believe” that one is “a threat to national security” is sufficient enough grounds for arrest and detention under the ISA. Demonstrating the arrogance of power, the Government said that it does not need to prove anything.

The ten then took their case to court and filed writs of habeas corpus. Two of them filed their writs with the Shah Alam High Court, which immediately released them on the grounds that their arrests were done in bad faith (mala fide) and that there was no evidence they were indeed a threat to national security. The Shah Alam court said that their detention was illegal and violated Malaysia’s Constitution.

The Shah Alam High Court went on to say that the ISA was an outdated law, enacted specifically to combat Communist terrorism, and that it was time the law was repealed. The Court also took the police to task for violating the Constitution and the fundamental right of the detainees by denying them access to legal counsel and not informing them of the reasons for their arrest.

Five other detainees, the so-called ISA-5, filed their writs of habeas corpus in another court, but that judge ignored the decision of the Shah Alam court and ruled against them. The judge in this case was the same person who presided over the first trial of former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, a trial whose conduct was condemned widely by bar councils, governments, and human rights organisations around the world. The five detainees appealed this decision, first to the Appeals Court, and finally to the supreme court in the land, the Federal Court.

After considering the case for half-a-year, on 6 September 2002 the Federal Court ruled that the arrests and detentions of the ISA-5 were illegal and violated the Constitution. The Court ruled also that the arrests were made in bad faith and that the police had failed to offer any proof that the detainees were threats to national security or involved in any criminal plots. The court then ordered their immediate and unconditional release.

But despite the Court’s decision, the detainees still have not been released!

This is due to a legal technicality that the Government can easily correct in the interest of justice. When the ISA-5 filed their writs of habeas corpus, it was to overturn their original arrests under Section 73 of the Internal Security Act, which allows for detention up to 60 days. In theory, during this period, the police interrogate the prisoners to develop further information about their crime. (However, the five detainees have said that when the police interrogated them, the investigators never asked about weapons or the alleged plot to overthrow the government. Instead, the police pumped them for political intelligence on what the opposition party, Keadilan, was doing and how it is organized.)  

After the initial 60-day detention period under Section 73, the Government’s Home Minister can order that the persons be “further detained” under Section 8 of ISA. If Section 8 is utilized, the assumption is that the police have developed sufficient information to justify further detention. While the police have the authority to arrest and detain under Section 73, it is the Home Minister -- in this case, Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi -- who makes the decision under Section 8 to keep those who are deemed “threats to national security” in prison for two years, based upon the information that the police provides him.     

The Federal Court, however, said that while the arrest and 60-day detention under Section 73 had no legal basis, it could not rule on the subsequent two-year detention order under Section 8 because the detainees had never filed a writ of habeas corpus to cover that action. This is a legal technicality at best and judicial cowardice at worst. It appears the Federal Court did not want to challenge the Government by declaring the Home Minister’s two-year detention order illegal and ordering the detainees’ release from prison. 

For their part, the detainees never filed a writ of habeas corpus against their two-year detention under Section 8, because logic dictates that if the initial arrest under Section 73 is illegal, then everything that follows from that action also is illegal. That is common sense and common law.  It is an easy and logical conclusion to make. Since the original arrest is illegal and unsubstantiated by evidence, then by definition the Home Minister’s detention order also is illegal and unsubstantiated by evidence. Either the Home Minister was misinformed and misled by the police when they recommended further detention, or the Home Minister also acted in bad faith by ordering the detentions in the absence of any proof of wrong-doing.

The government currently has three choices. It currently is hiding behind this legal technicality and refuses to release the ISA detainees. In effect, it says that if the detainees want to be free, then they should file a second writ of habeas corpus to challenge their detention by the Home Minister. This is legal harassment by the government, whose sole purpose is to keep the detainees locked up in prison for as long as possible. In the end, the Federal Court will have no choice but to declare the detention by the Home Minister illegal. Not to do so would fly in the face of every legal principle in Malaysia -- and indeed in all countries whose legal system is based on British common law.

The second option is far more ominous and has been hinted at by Deputy Home Minister Zainal Abidin Zin who told relatives of the detainees, “We may abide by the court’s decision but the police can take other actions, like arrest them again when they are released.” Such an action would be nothing short of contempt of court and once again demonstrates that the Government has no respect for the law. For the past 18 months, the Government has not been able to develop any evidence to back up its claims, and re-arresting the detainees will not change this. The Government still will have no evidence, because none exists. The Government’s claims will be just as false as before, and the arrests will be just as illegal.

The third option is the obvious one – and also the one that brings justice and freedom to the ISA detainees in the swiftest manner. As Home Minister, Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi should simply undo the wrong that has been done. He should sign a second order releasing them from their detention.

This position is supported unanimously by Malaysia’s opposition parties and human rights groups, as well as by Suhakam, the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia, and the Malaysian Bar Council. The Chairman of the Malaysian Bar Council, Mah Weng Kwai, has said that “a speedy, unilateral decision to release [the detainees] by the government following the decision of the Federal Court is not only the legally proper course of action, but also necessary to demonstrate the government’s continued commitment to the rule of law in this country.”

We ask you to join us in urging the Malaysian Government, and specifically the Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, to end this illegal detention and release the detainees immediately.

Now is the time for all who believe in freedom and human rights to stand up for justice and make their views known.

Yours truly,

Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail

President, National Justice Party (Keadilan)

 

 
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