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Saturday, 03-Apr-2004 6:01 PM
HARAKAH ENGLISH SECTION
The wakeup call that did
not wake us up
I wrote the piece below soon
after the Sanggang by-election in 2000, about six months or so before
my detention under the Internal Security Act on 11 April 2001. The
purpose of the piece was to bring to the opposition’s attention
that all is not well and unless something is done about it the future
would look very bleak for the opposition coalition.
I could easily write an analysis
on why we performed badly in the recently concluded 11th General
Election but I am sure you have read many ‘after-the-fact’ pieces
that you must be quite tired of reading them by now. What I will
do instead is reprint this earlier piece I wrote long before the
21 March 2004 elections to see whether we took seriously what had
been forecasted or did we continue to rest on our laurels thinking
that we were invincible.
The talk amongst our leaders
was not whether we would lose Kelantan and Terengganu, which was
something all and sundry considered an impossibility, but whether
we were going to add Kedah, Perlis, and maybe even Pahang and Selangor
to the list of states under opposition control.
Granted, the Election Commission
gave us an uneven playing field to ensure it was an uphill battle
all the way. But that was only one factor and, though enough to
cripple us, not enough to wipe us out like what happened just over
a week ago.
And this is what I said soon
after the Sanggang by-election:
SANGGANG
– THE BA’s WAKE-UP CALL
I was so sure PAS would win
the Sanggang by-election that I thought it unnecessary for my presence
in a town I had never even heard of until the death of the incumbent
State Assemblyman. Not that my presence would have made any difference,
mind you. Pahang was, after all, next on the list of victories for
the Barisan Alternatif.
The reports I received from
the ground were that it was a sure victory for PAS. The support
for PAS was overwhelming. The PAS supporters were everywhere that,
whatever little supporters the Barisan Nasional had, if there were
any at all, were swamped by the sheer number of PAS supporters.
The Barisan Nasional supporters had probably all left town in a
hurry realising that it was futile to resist the PAS onslaught.
When the results came in,
not only did Barisan Nasional win, but they also managed to increase
their majority from the last time around. And it was not that too
long ago since the last round.
I was told that PAS was actually
ahead up until the night before. The morning of the voting it suddenly
turned. Why?
No doubt the impression created
was that the support for PAS was overwhelming. But what ‘support’
are we talking about? Support from the crowd or support from the
voters? In this case the crowd did not represent the voters.
As what the Prime Minister
then, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, said: there were so many out-of-town
PAS supporters that, for the first time in the history of the town,
there were massive traffic jams four kilometers long. But these
were not locals and they would not be voting.
This has always been the mistake
of the opposition; be it PAS, DAP, keADILan or PRM. Anything the
opposition parties do seem to attract crowds. But the crowd comprises
of out-of-towners, people who would not be voting in that area,
fence-sitters, curious people who just want to see what the hell
was going on, people who just love crowds; be it a traffic accident,
fun fair, or political rally; UMNO supporters who also enjoy opposition
ceramahs for its entertainment value, UMNO supporters who want to
hear what the opposition has to say so that they can counter the
statements later, and so on and so forth. In short, the majority
of the crowd would either not be voting, or would not vote for the
opposition. The actual voters who were there to be swayed were the
minority.
The opposition always experiences
this and it always fools them. We have said this before and we will
say it again, “crowds do not translate into votes” -- and it is
time the opposition learnt this lesson.
The opposition experienced
this in 1982 and 1986, and before that in 1978. Their ceramahs never
failed to attract the crowds but it did not attract the votes. The
opposition needs to change its perspective of what success is all
about.
The opposition has proven
it knows how to ceramah. It has not yet shown it knows how to rule.
The opposition has proven it knows what justice is. It has not yet
shown it knows how to dish out justice. The opposition has proven
it knows what a government should not do. It has not yet shown it
can be a better government. The opposition has proven it is against
corruption. It has not shown it has the formula for a better government.
The opposition has proven that the government’s economic policies
do not work. It has not yet shown it can manage the economy better.
And the list goes on.
The opposition may feel it
has all the answers. It may even actually have all the answers.
But only the opposition knows this, the voters do not. The opposition
may blame the media for this. They may accuse the media of being
one-sided for not highlighting the good things the opposition has
to say while playing up the negative issues. The opposition may
even accuse the media of distorting the truth or of downright lying.
But what has the opposition done to overcome this?
The opposition has plenty
of opportunities to present its side of the story to the voters.
There is Harakah, Suara PRM, Berita keADILan, the Rocket, and the
many ceramahs conducted all year long the length and breadth of
this country. But what ‘news’ does the opposition bring to the people?
More of the same thing -- and this means more government-bashing,
UMNO-bashing, and Mahathir-bashing.
The people know all about
the excesses of the government. They know about the corruption and
abuses. They agree that there is no freedom of speech in this country.
They agree that Malaysia is a dictatorship. In short, they know
there are so many things wrong with this country. What they do not
know is how is the opposition going to put this right.
Parti Keadilan Nasional was
born with great expectations. For once there is a party that is
genuinely multi-racial and multi-religious. But then, when they
look closer, keADILan appears, more and more, like just another
Malay party. Where are the non-Malays and non-Muslims? What they
see is a handful of non-Malays, non-Muslims who could not legitimately
claim to represent the other races and other religions.
That was when the non-Malays,
non-Muslims decided that Malaysia was not yet ready for a fully-fledged
multi-racial, multi-religious party and, until it is, they would
continue to throw their support behind the Barisan Nasional, which
at least had the appearance of representing all the races and religions
in this country.
Can you blame the voters for
this? The Barisan Nasional is a legally registered party while the
Barisan Alternatif is but a mere ‘understanding’ that does not have
a legal leg to stand on. Why, the BA does not even have its own
symbol and each party has to contest under its own symbol. How can
you expect a non-Muslim Chinese to trust PAS overnight after distrusting
the party for more than 50 years? How could a Malay now vote for
DAP after considering that party an enemy of the Malays whose only
mission in life is to ‘rob the Malays of their God-given rights
and privileges’? And keADILan is perceived as nothing more than
a party to free Anwar Ibrahim from jail. The question is: what would
happen to the party after Anwar has been freed? Would the party
then close down and all the members rejoin UMNO the way of Semangat
46?
There are too many old wounds
and distrusts that cannot disappear overnight just because Lim Kit
Siang and Fadzil Noor shook hands in public. More needs to be done
before the ‘extreme’ Islamic party and ‘chauvinist’ Chinese party
can be seen as united. And it will have to start with a legally
registered party and common symbol.
But legally registered parties
and symbols are just eyewashes. Parties can break up and parties
can leave the coalition. This has happened before and it can easily
happen again. How can the Barisan Alternatif prove that it is a
marriage of ‘till death do us part’? In today’s modern world, the
divorce rate is extremely high and marriages that last seem to be
an exception rather than the rule.
The main test in winning the
voters’ confidence is in how the opposition can prove it can rule
better than the present government. It is a sort of Catch 22. The
opposition is not being allowed to rule because it has not proven
it can do the job. But it cannot prove it can do the job until
it is first given the chance to rule.
This is where Kelantan and
Terengganu come in. The Barisan Alternatif is already ruling in
these two states. It, therefore, has to show that the Barisan Alternatif
is ruling these states and not just PAS. If it appears like PAS
is in total control and the rest of the Barisan Alternatif members
are not playing any role this will not impress the voters. If only
PAS is in power then, at best, the Barisan Alternatif can just be
a regional government -- never the federal government.
PAS needs to sacrifice some
ground in Kelantan and Terengganu to show that keADILan, DAP and
PRM are partners in these two state governments. PAS needs to present
the governments of these two states as Barisan Alternatif governments
and not just PAS governments. PAS needs to show that the success
in governing these two states is Barisan Alternatif’s success and
not just PAS’ success.
I know it’s not easy. PAS
practically monopolises Kelantan and Terengganu. It also has 27
of the 42 Barisan Alternatif Parliamentary seats. But PAS has to
look at the bigger picture. It needs to downplay itself to play-up
the Barisan Alternatif. It needs to show that keADILan, DAP and
PRM are equally in the driver’s seat and not mere passengers. PAS
needs to do this to ensure that the Barisan Alternatif has a better
chance at forming the next federal government and not remain a mere
regional government.
The shadow cabinet idea has
been adopted and the Barisan Alternatif has already formed many
bureaus that will ‘shadow’ the government ministries. But the bureaus
have yet to show their mettle. The bureaus have yet to show they
can do the job they have been set up to do. The bureaus sound good.
But is this all they are going to be? Sounding good without producing
results?
The bureaus will need to be
developed and it will take time to bring them to maturity. They
will actually have to function as a shadow government without the
advantage of the government machinery. It is going to be a colossal
job for the Barisan Alternatif but it is something that needs to
be done. Not doing so would mean the Barisan Alternatif would never
progress beyond Terengganu and Kelantan. And that is if they do
not end up losing the two states back to the Barisan Nasional.
PAS has to decide what its
political platform is. Is it to Islamise the nation or to form the
next federal government? It cannot be both as there are not enough
Muslims in the country to support an Islamic program. This may sound
blasphemous but that is the reality of Malaysian politics. If the
Malays-Muslims formed 80% or 90% of the population, then maybe it
would be possible.
Take note though, many of
the Malays-Muslims themselves do not support an Islamic program.
Many Malay-Muslim women do not support the tudung ruling. If the
Malays-Muslims themselves resist Islam, what would you expect from
the non-Malays, non-Muslims?
The opposition needs an immediate
image overhaul. It can no longer get support based on sympathy.
People are immune to the issues of kezaliman, rasuah, penyelewengan,
and so on. The opposition cannot hope to win by default. It needs
to get support for what it is, not for what the Barisan Nasional
is not. The opposition needs the voters to vote for it not because
they hate the government, but because they love the opposition.
Sanggang was good for the
opposition. It showed the opposition what the voters really thought
of it. It was the opposition’s wake-up call. But will it wake up?
RAJA PETRA KAMARUDIN
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